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In His Debut Novel, Blair Palmer Yoxall Rejects the Cowboys vs. Indians Western
The traditional western format has long featured the “Cowboys vs. Indians” archetype. These are often tales of good vs. evil, where a gun-slinging cowboy leaves a trail of dead, “savage” Indians in his wake as he traverses the wild American West. But what if the cowboys were also Indians? This is the question that Métis writer, Blair Palmer Yoxall, ponders in his debut novel, Treat Them as Buffalo, out this week.
Through the eyes of a 12-year-old Métis boy named Niko, Yoxall tells the story of the Northwest Resistance of 1885, when the Métis and some First Nations peoples led an armed rebellion against the Canadian government. Set in the fictional town of Lac-aux-Trois-Pistoles, the events of the Northwest Resistance are the backdrop for young Niko’s world, where he and his cousin play buffalo hunters. But when his cousin and other young boys start to go missing, one at a time, a string of violence destroys Niko’s understanding of his world, his family, and himself.
As the police show little interest in investigating the boys’ disappearance, a coalition of Métis women in Niko’s community takes on the task of finding them. They set up camp near a remote lake and hide out from the kidnappers. There, the women organize daily and nightly search parties, scouring the area for the abducted boys and protecting those still in their care. Riding horses and armed with guns, the women perform patrols and devise plans to save the captured boys and apprehend their kidnappers. In Treat Them as Buffalo, Yoxall creates a community where tenderness and mutual care abound, even amid tragedy and high tensions.
Yoxall drew his inspiration from traditional western novels like Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian and Guy Vanderhaeghe’s The Last Crossing, but he resented how they portrayed Indigenous people—as scalped, killed, raped, or stupid. He wondered, “What’s the fucking point of this other than watching myself die?” as he put it in our interview. From that question came Treat Them as Buffalo, which Yoxall calls an “anti-western,” working against the stereotypes that have saturated the genre.
Ahead of the publication of his novel, I spoke to Yoxall about Indigenous cowboys, building community, and writing the Métis experience. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Talk to me about what led you to write this story. I know you’re Métis yourself, so were there family histories or personal stories that inspired you?
Growing up, I loved westerns because the land was familiar and the people were familiar. I wanted to capture that feeling of being in awe with westerns, but also by being angry. I wanted to write something that showed Indigenous people being powerful and us winning, and to represent something that felt more authentic to my family and to where my family’s from. I just wanted to write something where we could be proud of ourselves. We could bring our own perspective to history. The Métis Nation didn’t win our conflict with Canada. We’re talked a lot about, but we’re not talked to a lot, and over the years, that means that we’ve lost a lot of our own histories, and I wanted to bring that back.
Yeah, you weave a lot of Métis history and culture into the story. How are you able to take creative liberties as a fiction writer within the constraints of actual historical fact?
The constraints of history and geography—that’s not limiting. I have all this structure to work with and around, and it’s like a fun house that I get to play in. I’m also working with a part of history that is mythologized in Canada, but not very well understood, even among Métis people. But this history did affect Indigenous people all across the northern plains. When you’re reading, it’s kind of hard to tell what’s real and what’s not and what came out of my mind and what came out of a newspaper. I really like that sense of “Holy shit, did all of this potentially happen?” So for me, working with history was so much fun because I knew the consequences. I knew what the outcomes were going to be, but I had no idea what the experience was in reaching those outcomes. I really wanted to recreate that sense of experiencing history as it’s happening.
I found myself thinking about the characters when I wasn’t reading, especially the protagonist Niko, who is 12 years old and being thrust into adulthood. It’s heartwrenching to watch him grapple with this kind of colonial violence and also family secrets. Why take a 12-year-old’s point of view?
I wanted readers to take the agency of children seriously and take their experiences seriously, and to trust that they are the experts in their own lives. Kids are gonna have a crazy world exposed to them—whether you want it to happen or not—especially during these colonial projects. I wanted us as readers to kind of struggle with that agency and to demonstrate that kids are people too. We, as Indigenous people, have had our families being broken up from Indian Residential schooling, and here in Canada, we did have sterilization campaigns for Indigenous women. So I really wanted to put the power of parenthood back in our own hands, but I also wanted childhood to be taken as a serious aspect of life.
I’d love to talk more about the community that you’ve built. Does it feel reflective of the communities that your family comes from?
One of the super important aspects of the cowboy identity in the book is from my family—all those Indigenous people are also cowboys. So one of the things I wanted to demonstrate is that Indigenous people have complex enough cultures that we can have subcultures too—an Indigenous community could be a cowboy community. We’re not stereotypes. We’re not caricatures. We’re full human beings. We’re going to disagree with each other. In books, I want to demonstrate how important feeling safe and at home in your community is for building a sense of community and obligation. I wanted the characters to be diverse enough to really demonstrate the diversity that we have in our own cultures and our own communities. We’re not a monolith. Community is a very complex and complicated—but intensely restorative—aspect of identity and growing up. In the book, this community can only save itself by taking care of itself, by putting itself first, and being unapologetic about it. Niko could only be saved by his community.
What impressions do you hope readers come away with after finishing?
It sort of depends on who’s reading it. I just want us to be seen as human beings. One of the things that I struggle with as an Indigenous person is being reduced to a product of the land or an artifact of history. And I wanted to really demonstrate that we’re just as human as every other human being. I’m hoping that non-Indigenous readers have a more human understanding of how Indigenous people see each other and how we see our communities. Conversely, for other Indigenous readers, I just want us to feel seen and inspired. We can start claiming space without needing to re-traumatize ourselves. A story can be both joyful and difficult.
Santa Cruz County children are at risk for whooping cough and measles. Vaccines can protect them.
Preventable diseases are making a troubling comeback in Santa Cruz County, with whooping cough cases already rising to 33 this year already and measles spreading across California. Most of the cases are starting in middle and high schools, write local pediatric providers. They warn that declining vaccination rates and missed boosters are leaving children, especially infants, vulnerable. The risks of these highly contagious illnesses are real, they write, and stress routine immunizations remain the strongest defense. The moment is urgent: Staying up to date on vaccines will protect us all.
In the six-way race to be California’s treasurer, it likely comes down to two Democrats
Selling bonds. Awarding tax credits. Overseeing pension funds. Investing idle cash for maximum return.
These are the roles of California’s treasurer, a job that evokes someone with a fondness for green eyeshades and a favorite Excel function.
But in California — as in most other states — it’s a job that goes to a politician.
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That might leave voters wondering: What’s the best combination of skills, experience and values for such an exceedingly wonky job?
Ask the six candidates and you’re liable to get six different answers.
California’s next money manager should be a detail-oriented former diplomat, according to Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis.
For state Sen. Anna Caballero, Kounalakis’ chief Democratic rival, the better option is a wily elected official from a working-class community with experience running a government bureaucracy.
The two Republicans, Jennifer Hawks and David Serpa, both believe it should be someone eager to check the fiscal impulses of California’s overwhelmingly Democratic political establishment.
Board of Equalization member Tony Vazquez thinks a longtime elected tax commissioner is a good fit. Glenn Turner, a former crystal and Tarot card seller-turned mental health activist, believes the role calls for someone with a radical political vision.
Not even turn-of-the-century Gov. Hiram Johnson, one of modern California’s political founding fathers, knew what makes a good state treasurer. The job, he complained to the Legislature in 1911, is “merely clerical” and its “qualifications naturally can not be well understood.”
The June 2 race is largely a rivalry between the top Democrats.
Kounalakis vs. CaballeroThere isn’t much reliable public polling, but as measured by name recognition, high-caliber endorsements and campaign cash on hand, this is Kounalakis’ race to lose.
That’s in part thanks to her current role as lieutenant governor — a job that commands statewide name ID and governing experience, even if its list of responsibilities is relatively short.
Kounalakis’ personal fortune has also surely helped her become a top candidate. The daughter of developer Angelo Tsakopolous, founder of Sacramento-based AKT Development Corporation, she has nearly nine times as much money parked in her campaign account as the other five candidates combined.
Kounalakis entered Democratic politics as a major donor, helping her secure an ambassadorship to Hungary under President Barack Obama. Those fundraising connections also have paid off this cycle: She is endorsed by former first lady Hillary Clinton, former U.S. Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Gov. Gavin Newsom.
From left, state Sen. Anna Caballero and Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis. Credit: Fred Greaves and Miguel Gutierrez Jr. for CalMattersKounalakis wouldn’t be the first to take this path to the treasurer’s office. Phil Angeledes, who served from 1999 to 2007, is also an AKT alum whose political career was partially funded by Tsakopolous.
Though Kounalakis initially ran to replace Newsom as governor, she switched to the lower-profile treasurer’s race last summer amid flagging prospects in a crowded field. But Kounalakis, whose campaign did not respond to requests for an interview, has since argued that her experience as a developer and her self-professed technical orientation make the role of treasurer a better fit. She told the San Francisco Chronicle that she craved a technical role after so many years as a diplomat “standing in front of a podium with a visiting dignitary.”
Kounalakis’ decision was an unwelcome development for state Sen. Anna Caballero. A longtime state legislator who served as Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency secretary under former Gov. Jerry Brown, the Merced Democrat was the presumptive favorite until then. Caballero has the upper hand by at least one metric: She has raised more money than Kounalakis since the beginning of this year, even if her campaign account is dwarfed by the war chest the lieutenant governor has amassed over the years.
Both Kounalakis and Caballero are termed out of their current roles.
The competition between the two top Democratic hopefuls is fierce, even if they don’t seem to disagree about much.
Both want the state to simplify the application process for affordable housing subsidies — which is already in the works with the governor’s new housing agency. Both support recent treasurer’s initiatives to direct state funds toward renewable energy projects and to administer a retirement savings program for workers whose employers don’t offer pension or 401(k) accounts. Both expressed enthusiasm about a proposal to require state banks and other financial institutions to lend more in lower income neighborhoods and communities.
Where there is daylight between the two, it is more a matter of emphasis than major disagreement. Caballero, for example, avidly promotes the use of hydrogen and dairy gas as gasoline alternatives and said the treasurer could foster private-public partnerships in those industries. As a member of the State Lands Commission, Kounalakis is an avid advocate for offshore wind power development.
Who will make the top two?Though Kounalakis and Caballero are the two most formidable candidates, it’s far from certain that both will make it to the November ballot. One of the top two spots could easily go to a Republican under California’s system in which the top two vote-getters advance.
California’s Republican establishment has been doing everything possible to make that happen. The California Republican Party formally endorsed Jennifer Hawks, a Bay Area party activist and former private school administrator, over fellow Republican David Serpa. Reform California, the conservative fundraising and get-out-the-vote organization run by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, also endorsed her.
“There’s a risk of splitting the vote,” DeMaio noted in a livestreamed conversation with Hawks. “We need to make sure that we have someone in the general election that we can be proud of.”
What does the treasurer do?The day-to-day work is mostly done by professional staff and it doesn’t vary much with changes at the top. That doesn’t afford their elected boss much room for creativity or innovation. Bill Lockyer, the state’s treasurer between 2007 and 2015, said the job’s main role is to ensure that work is done with Californians in mind — that the “professional staff is managing responsibly.”
Still, there are occasional opportunities to do more with the job. Lockyer pointed to his decision to invest in international renewable energy projects through the World Bank — a first for the state — as one of his most important achievements. When Angeledes held the office, he used the treasurer’s posts on the boards of the state’s two major public employee pension funds to inveigh against investment banks and to champion the rights of shareholders. Other Democratic treasurers have acted as fiscal foils to Republican governors.
Since the days of Hiram Johnson, the post has also occasionally been derided as a sinecure for career politicians awaiting their next move.
That, said Caballero, is decidedly not why she wants to be treasurer. Pointing to her work on housing policy and rural economic development, she said everything in her legislative career “relates back to what’s in the treasurer’s office.”
Adding a not-so-subtle dig at Kounalakis: “I’m not on a stepping stone up to something else.”
Not that the treasurer’s office has been a particularly effective stepping stone: Angeledes, Kathleen Brown, and, more recently, John Chiang all attempted post-treasurer’s office runs for governor. None succeeded.
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The post In the six-way race to be California’s treasurer, it likely comes down to two Democrats appeared first on Lookout Santa Cruz.
Are Anti-Trans Measures Being Used as Republican “Ballot Candy”?
At a fundraiser in early January, Nevada Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo outright admitted to donors he wasn’t the most inspiring candidate. “I am not enough of a motor—uh, a motivator—as a governor candidate to get them off the couch,” he said on a recording obtained by the Nevada Independent.
“We have a couple ballot initiatives we’re going to initiate in order to get voters out,” Gov. Lombardo reassured the room.
But the governor had a plan to fix it. “We have a couple ballot initiatives we’re going to initiate in order to get voters out,” he reassured the room. One measure would mandate photos IDs at the polls, a policy that targets racial minorities. The other initiative would tap into a newer but no less virulent strain of right-wing grievance: “The second thing we’re going to do is this thing called Men in Women’s Sports,” Lombardo said at another event last October, referring to a Nevada constitutional amendment he proposed earlier this year that would ban trans girls and women from playing on girls’ school sports teams.
“Yay!” a few listeners responded. “Yeah!”
“That’s going to get people out to vote,” the governor continued. “Because, just from the groans in the room, I think they’re going to support it.”
After years of well-funded attacks on transgender people’s rights and dignity by conservative activists and GOP politicians, it’s no news that a Republican official is trying to win votes for the upcoming midterm elections by championing a policy targeting trans teenagers. Voters still largely endorse equal treatment and nondiscrimination for people whose gender identity doesn’t match their birth sex, but they also tend to rank trans rights at the bottom of their priority lists. Meanwhile, public opinion has shifted rightward on a carefully selected set of trans-related wedge issues, from trans girls’ inclusion in girls’ school sports to specialized pediatric healthcare treatments.
Now, Republicans like Lombardo are banking on the attitudes their party has spent years cultivating, putting these pet issues directly to voters in the form of ballot initiatives. Six transgender-related measures have been approved for the ballot so far, in Colorado, Maine, Missouri, and Washington. Others are in the works in Nebraska and Arizona, in addition to Nevada.
“This is absolutely being used as ballot candy.”
And while Lombardo might be the only one to say the quiet part out loud, several of the measures look like they could have been designed to drive Republican results in competitive midterm races. “This is absolutely being used as ballot candy,” Quentin Savwoir, director of programs and strategy at the left-leaning Ballot Initiative Strategy Center (BISC), said at a recent press briefing.
Take, for instance, Missouri, where Republican state officials fought tooth and nail to stop a 2024 constitutional amendment to guarantee the right to an abortion prior to fetal viability, which is roughly 24 weeks. Despite their efforts, the measure made it to the ballot and won with a narrow 51.6 percent of the vote, overturning the state’s total abortion ban. In response, this year, state Republican lawmakers proposed their own constitutional amendment. It would make providing abortion illegal again in virtually all cases. And it would touch an entirely different issue as well: It would ban doctors from providing puberty blockers and hormone therapy to treat kids with gender dysphoria.
Trans youth health care is already illegal in Missouri under a law that expires in 2027. But lumping that issue together with abortion appears seems to be making this year’s proposed constitutional amendment more popular with voters. A February survey by St. Louis University and YouGov found that the initiative was polling 7 points ahead, with 12 percent of likely voters still undecided. Just 43 percent of respondents would outlaw abortion in early pregnancy. But two-thirds—including most of the undecideds—would prefer to ban gender transition treatments for minors. The inclusion of a gender-affirming care ban in the constitutional amendment “is going to be the key difference between what we saw, say, two years ago and now,” poll director Steven Rogers, and SLU political science professor, told St. Louis Public Radio.
Missouri isn’t the only state where voters are being asked to cement an already existing anti-trans law in their state constitution. A similar effort is underway in Nebraska, where last summer the governor signed a law banning trans girls from playing on girls’ school sports teams.
Never mind that trans students were barely present in Nebraska school sports to begin with, with fewer than 10 participating in either girls’ or boys’ sports between 2015 and 2025, as NBC News reported. Despite the tiny scale of the issue and the existing ban, a group calling itself Fairness for Girls started gathering signatures in March to add a ban on trans girls playing girls’ sports to the Nebraska constitution. Republican state Sen. Kathleen Kauth, the original sponsor of the sports ban bill (as well as a host of other anti-trans legislation), told Nebraska Public Media that the constitutional amendment was necessary so that future lawmakers couldn’t undo her handiwork. “One of the things we always worry about when we pass a law is that it can be un-passed,” she said.
Rainbow Parents of Nebraska, an LGBTQ advocacy group, called the proposed Fairness for Girls amendment “another distraction and an attempt to increase conservative voter turnout.”
Indeed, a look at Fairness for Girls’ campaign finance filings suggests there may be deeper political forces at play. The group, formed March 9, has a war chest of a whopping $1.6 million dollars, provided entirely by a dark money group called Restore the Good Life Inc., according to its March disclosure. While Restore the Good Life Inc. doesn’t have to disclose its funders, the Nebraska Examiner has examined potential links between the group and Sen. Pete Ricketts, the wealthy Republican former governor of the state who now serves as its junior US senator. Restore the Good Life Inc. was last active during the 2022 gubernatorial election to replace Ricketts, when it paid for an attack ad against an opponent of Ricketts’ preferred successor, using one of Ricketts’ talking points, the Examiner reported. Its treasurer is a Ricketts political appointee who has served as his surrogate at at least one political event. Ricketts, in 2022, denied personally contributing to the group. (Ricketts’ campaign did not respond to a request for comment).
Perhaps coincidentally, Ricketts is running for reelection to the Senate this year—and facing a strong challenge from Dan Osborn, a former labor leader running as an independent. As of February, the two candidates were polling neck and neck, a feat for Osborn in a state Trump won by more than 20 points last election cycle. Ricketts, who has repeatedly pushed for a national trans sports ban, is supporting the initiative. Osborn’s campaign did not respond to questions about his stance on the measure.
To recap, someone is spending $1.6 million to duplicate a Nebraska law that would have affected 10 total Nebraskans in 10 years into the state constitution. And it just so happens they’re putting the question on the ballot alongside a close Senate contest involving a fabulously wealthy incumbent who has vocally opposed inclusive policies for trans athletes.
Similar dynamics appear at be at work in Maine, another state with massive spending on a trans sports ballot initiative during a high-stakes Senate election. The race between incumbent Republican Sen. Susan Collins and likely Democratic challenger Graham Platner could determine which party controls the US Senate.
Last year, at a White House governors meeting, President Donald Trump said that the trans athlete issue would be the political downfall of Gov. Janet Mills, who was another leading Democratic candidate for Collins’ seat until she suspended her campaign in late April.
At the meeting, Trump told Mills he would withhold federal funding if Maine didn’t follow a trans sports ban he tried to impose via executive order.
“See you in court,” Mills told Trump from the other side of the room.
“I look forward to that, that should be a real easy one,” Trump shot back, before adding a thinly veiled threat: “And enjoy your life after, Governor, because I don’t think you’ll be in elected politics.”
As the Senate campaigns got underway, Republican megadonor Richard Uihlein—the billionaire owner of the business supply company Uline—started pouring money into a Maine ballot initiative that would not only require public schools to sort athletes onto sports teams according to the sex on their original birth certificates, it would also restrict access to school bathrooms and locker rooms by birth certificate. As of January, Uihlein had given $800,000 to the committee pushing the initiative and was its sole funder. Maine’s lawmakers declined to vote on the measure this spring, which means it will be sent to voters in November. Leyland Streiff, the principal officer of the committee behind the ballot initiative, Protect Girls’ Sports in Maine, said in a statement that the group would have preferred for the Democratic-majority legislature to enact their bill rather than sending it to voters. “Our initiative reflects the will of the people, not the will of one political party,” Streiff wrote, arguing that the measure was needed to prevent “males invading female private spaces.”
As of last year, there were just three trans girls playing girls’ high school sports in Maine.
But opponents of the Maine measure have argued that the issue is being blown out of proportion in service of a larger agenda. A lawsuit filed by the Trump administration against the state education department last year identified just three trans girls playing girls’ high school sports in the state. “We really want Mainers to understand that this is not about sports, it’s about a national extremist attempt to take over Maine politics and drive the conversation in November,” Destie Hohman Sprague, executive director of the Maine Women’s Lobby, told the Beacon.
It’s already driving the conversation, though it remains to be seen whether it will make a dent in voters’ behavior in November. The candidates have weighed in: Collins personally signed the petition to put the measure on the ballot. Platner, on the other hand, called the controversy over trans athletes an “invented culture war scare” on a Slate podcast episode in March.
Then he put a finer point on it. Maine’s ballot initiative “is funded by an out-of-state billionaire to make sure that we have this discussion,” Platner said, “and we don’t talk about raising his taxes.”
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GOOD OMENS 3 First-Look Clip: Aziraphale Gets to Work on the ‘Second Coming’ (Exclusive)
At the end of Good Omens’ second season, Heaven turned to Aziraphale. It needed an angel who knows how things work on Earth. Crowley—along with most fans—didn’t want him to take the job. It was simply an offer the pleasant celestial being couldn’t turn down after millennia of following orders. But he also took it before he knew exactly what the position entailed. Aziraphale will oversee “the next step in the Great Plan,” which Heaven calls “the Second Coming.” If there was any doubt what that meant, the show’s trailers confirmed it: Jesus Christ will return to Earth. How will Aziraphale make that momentous event happen? Nerdist has an exclusive first-look clip from Good Omens 3 that gives us insight into that heavenly question. You can watch it below.
Good Omens 3 producer Sarah-Kate Fenelon teases the following about our new, exclusive clip, ”Upstairs has begun Operation Second Coming.” And you know what, an operation like that isn’t simple. It will involve over-complicated plans, aggrieved angels who don’t like their boss, and putting someone/something important in a new body. To paraphrase the Bard that Aziraphale himself supported, there are more things in heaven and earth than we can dream of….when trying to figure out what in the world/Heaven Aziraphale is planning. But this new Good Omens 3 scene, which shows that the Second Coming is kicking off, is certain to prove an important clip. This is why Heaven promoted Aziraphale. They need someone who knows how difficult life on Earth can be. Jesus only had 33 years of experience two thousand years ago. Aziraphale was there for all of it. Literally.
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Aziraphale and Crowley Deserve Their GOOD OMENS Happy EndingAnd yet… Despite this new Good Omens 3 clip—We know that it is far from a guarantee that Aziraphale and his less-than-enamored angelic underlings will pull off this plan. That’s if it’s meant to get pulled off. If there’s one thing Good Omens fans know, it’s that even the most capable angel and demon around don’t always know what the real plan is.
Prime VideoWe’ll find out with them when we say goodbye to the show later this month. Regardless of the outcome, though, we’re happy to get a sneak peek at Good Omens 3 with this new clip. We sure have missed this motley crew. Good Omens 3—starring Michael Sheen and David Tennant—will release on Prime Video on May 13, 2026. You can watch seasons one and two today.
The post GOOD OMENS 3 First-Look Clip: Aziraphale Gets to Work on the ‘Second Coming’ (Exclusive) appeared first on Nerdist.
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